Desmond Milligan

Shoshana Walter has reported on addiction and the impact of drug laws for almost 10 years. The reporting for this piece began at Reveal and is excerpted from her new book, Rehab, published by Simon & Schuster. On a sweltering August morning in 2015, Chris Koon walked out of the Grant Parish jail. Granny and Mom were waiting for him. There was little time to embrace. It was a two-and-a-half-hour drive to the drug treatment facility, Cenikor, and he had just a few hours to pack and make it there, or else the judge could revoke his bond and send him back to jail. Granny took him home and Chris pulled on fresh clothes. He threw some T-shirts, jeans, and flip-flops into a suitcase. Along the way, they stopped at Burger King. Chris couldn’t wait for his first bite of non-jail food. The closer they got, though, the more anxious Chris felt. He knew Cenikor had to be better than jail, but what would that feel like? He knew in theory, but mentally, how quickly would this all pass? What would he miss? Would he be able to see his family? His friends? In jail, he’d gotten used to the monotony, the fights, the smells, the noise. Chris knew people there; he’d gone to the same high school as some of them. At Cenikor, he wouldn’t know a soul. And what if this didn’t work out, and he ended up going to prison anyway? Carrie, too, felt anxious. “Life is about hardship,” Carrie later said. “You gotta learn to endure.” If things got tough, would Chris bolt? She didn’t want that kind of mistake to derail his entire life. Chris swung his suitcase out of the car and walked up to the glass double doors. A woman buzzed them in and greeted them with a wide, unblinking smile. On the wall was a poster—“Rules of Cenikor”—with a big block of text underneath that Chris didn’t have time to read. The woman ushered Chris and his mom and granny down the hallway to the intake coordinator, who would process Chris into the program. The coordinator had been a participant himself not too long ago. Now, he was charged with guiding clients through the paperwork, visiting jails and courts, and selling the program. He was muscular, with a jowly square jaw and hair sculpted into a pompadour. Chris thought he looked sort of like a boxer dog who’d joined a boy band. Granny and his mom stayed there with Chris while Chris learned about the program and filled out paperwork. Cenikor had been around for more than 40 years, the coordinator explained, and had one of the highest success rates in the country. The program provided weekly one-on-one counseling sessions with licensed counselors and group therapy three times per week. They’d find Chris a job and he’d be able to save money in the program. Some graduates had enough saved up to buy flat-screen televisions or new cars. It sounded really good to Carrie. She liked that the program would help Chris get established in a job and that he could save money for when he left. Cenikor had multiple facilities in Texas and Louisiana, including detox and outpatient programs. Its facilities were licensed by regulators in both states. They had accreditation from the Commission on Accreditation of Rehabilitation Facilities, the nonprofit body that provides voluntary certification for rehab facilities. Cenikor’s website touted its program as “one of the oldest and most successful substance abuse treatment centers in the nation.” The coordinator told Chris he had spent years in prison in Texas. He explained that Cenikor was going to be a hell of a ride. He knew all the games people play, and he wasn’t going to let Chris just sit on his butt. He was proof positive the program worked. “We don’t do time here,” Chris recalled the coordinator had said. “We work on ourselves. And I’ma make sure you work on yourself.” Chris wanted to get better, he really did. He wanted to be the person his mom and Granny imagined he could be. He signed the documents and said his goodbyes, then he returned to the coordinator, who began walking Chris to his room. That’s when Chris saw something he had never seen before: a man sitting in a chair, his back straight, his knees bent at a precise 90-degree angle, his elbows locked; he was looking straight ahead, unblinking and silent. They were in a big, open room that looked like a cafeteria. As they walked past him, Chris tried to make eye contact to say hello, but the man stared right through him. Then Chris spotted another man across the hall, sitting the exact same way. What is this? Chris thought. Chris moved into his room, which he would be sharing with a roommate. He unpacked his clothes, hanging them to face the right side of his closet, in a certain order, per Cenikor rules. Jackets, sweaters, long-sleeve shirts, short-sleeve shirts, pants, shorts. He placed his shoes in a row at the foot of the bed, from his work boots to his “flippity flops,” as he called them. He “ranger-rolled” his underwear in the dresser and made his bed. Chris learned that another resident would come around daily to inspect his room and make sure he was adhering to Cenikor standards. The building was sprawling, about 155,000 square feet, but Cenikor occupied only a sliver of it. When it was acquired in 2001, they found the facility dilapidated and requiring tremendous cost to repair. Participants complained of holes in the wall, malfunctioning heaters and air conditioners, rats, cockroaches, and black mold. The front desk, typically manned by a resident, was situated just inside the front door. Past the front desk was the ’Kor room—the cafeteria where residents ate their meals and took part in group meetings. Past the ’Kor room was the women’s wing, and upstairs were the rooms for men. Residents were not allowed to be alone with a member of the opposite sex. The number of people at Cenikor was in constant flux, but during Chris’ stay there were about 150 residents. For the first month, he sat in a classroom and learned all the Cenikor rules. There were about 30 people in his class, most court-ordered, like him. The rules ranged from the mundane—Chris was required to shave everyday—to the minuscule. He could get in trouble for not having a pen, not wearing a belt, for an untied shoelace, for leaving a book on the table, for his shirt coming untucked. Chris was 6-foot-3 with a belly, so his shirt was constantly coming untucked. He quickly learned the consequences. “Go have a seat in the verbal chair. Think about having your shirt untucked,” he’d be told. To which Chris was required to reply, “Thank you.” Anyone could send him to that chair, at any time. Anyone could scream at him while he was sitting in that chair, and he couldn’t do anything about it. He had to sit there with his arms locked, his knees at a precise 90-degree angle, staring at the wall, not speaking, not making eye contact. Chris quickly became like one of those men he had seen when he first arrived at the facility. There were other punishments, too. There was “mirror therapy,” in which he stared at himself in a mirror and continuously shouted out what he’d done wrong. Or, there was “the dishpan,” when he’d have to wear a neon green shirt and wash the dishes and scrub the baseboards, all while reciting the Cenikor philosophy—a paragraph-long diatribe about self-change. Or, there was the “verbal haircut,” in which another participant screamed at him even for just a minor rule infraction. Participants were required to document infractions on slips of paper called “pull-ups”—at least 10 per week. To succeed at Cenikor, and to get enough points to graduate, Chris would have to tattle on everybody else. Anytime someone got pissed off, the participants and staff would gather in a circle and select one or two people to sit in the middle. Then they took turns confronting that person, professing their faults and errors, while the person was permitted only to say “thank you.” Cenikor staff called this “The Game.” Chris heard women called bitches and sluts. He saw grown men cry. Even some of the employees participated in this exercise. Many of them were former participants. Simon & SchusterHundreds of such programs across the country operated similarly, some with tactics even more bizarre. At a program in North Carolina, residents were forced to endure days without sleep as they sat for marathon group confessionals, deliriously relaying their life stories, their deepest secrets and sins. Behavior modification programs for troubled teens employed similar practices, with one congressional investigation comparing their methods to “the highly refined brainwashing techniques employed by the North Koreans.” Many of these programs spawned from Synanon, a recovery community founded in Santa Monica in 1958, where residents would live and work and hold one another accountable for slip-ups and relapses. The model became the precursor to rehab in the United States, while Synanon itself would ultimately morph into something more sinister—a multimillion-dollar operation with a cult-like leader and a mercenary army. Synanon had also pioneered another tactic for Cenikor to follow: It funded operations in part by putting residents to work. Every night, at each Cenikor facility, a resident posted a line-out sheet on the wall of the ’Kor room, notifying residents where they would be dispatched the following day for work. The rehab patients were like temp workers, except they weren’t paid. And with jail or prison time hanging over their heads, Cenikor residents had little say about where, when, and how they worked. Some worked at a mulch factory, others at an industrial laundromat, still others at a bakery or seafood store. They had also worked at Exxon and Shell oil refineries, in a Walmart warehouse, and in the cafeterias of Louisiana State University. They built scaffolding hundreds of feet high, sandblasted and painted tanks, performed electrical repairs, and lay rebar in cement in sweltering heat. Chris was told his work funded the cost of his stay. But internal documents showed that the residents regularly made more than twice as much money as the facility’s daily operating expenses. Between 2013 and 2018, Cenikor made more than $42 million from their uncompensated Cenikor workers. Meanwhile, the facility had lucrative contracts with the state and federal governments, received insurance and Medicaid payouts, and had residents apply for and relinquish their food stamps. In short, the residents were not just working to cover costs. They were working to make profits for Cenikor. And they were working to an extreme. Though the program offered counseling, Chris rarely received it. Years after Chris’ time, Cenikor would shutter its Baton Rouge facility and work program. But hundreds of programs like it remained. For the first month, Chris lived in a state of shock. He thought constantly about leaving Cenikor. Jail, with its mush melons in the rec yard and Maury Povich on repeat, would be easier than this, he thought. His every move felt picked apart. He could get into trouble at any time. As he rounded out the 30 days of orientation, his new sobriety gave way to a well of emotions the drugs had helped him suppress. He had no drugs in his system, nothing to distract from how horrible he felt: that he was a fuck-up, that he didn’t belong anywhere. And now it was the hell of being at Cenikor. He’d never felt so low. This is like a cult, he thought. It turned out that wasn’t far from the truth. Excerpted from Rehab: An American Scandal by Shoshana Walter. Copyright © 2025 by Shoshana Walter. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc. View the full article

Hurricane Charley rapidly intensified and made landfall in southwest Florida as a Category 4 on this date 21 years ago, then tore across the state's peninsula like a buzzsaw, producing extreme wind damage along the way. Charley roared ashore near Cayo Costa, Florida, or west of Fort Myers, packing maximum sustained winds of 150 mph on the afternoon of Aug. 13, 2004. The intensification of Charley prior to landfall was a worst-case scenario since nearly eight hours earlier over the eastern Gulf, it was a Category 2 with 110 mph winds. The fierce hurricane was small in size, but left behind a trail of wind damage resembling a very large tornado from Punta Gorda and Port Charlotte in southwest Florida to Orlando and Daytona Beach as it raced across the Florida Peninsula in just seven hours. Orlando, about 125 miles from where Charley first made landfall, measured sustained hurricane-force winds (79 mph) with a peak gust of 105 mph. Charley's small size prevented storm surge from being as high as you would typically associate with a Category 4. Visual evidence at Sanibel Island suggested a peak storm surge of 6 to 7 feet above ground. Charley caused an estimated $26.7 billion in damage (adjusted to today's dollars) and was blamed for 35 deaths, according to NOAA. For Florida, Charley would be just the first of four hurricanes to impact the state in about 45 days during the 2004 season. Charley was followed by Frances and Jeanne making landfall along the state's Atlantic coast, and then Ivan's strike on the western panhandle region. Wind damage caused by Hurricane Charley in Punta Gorda, Florida. (Photo by Tim Boyles/Getty Images)Chris Dolce has been a senior digital meteorologist with weather.com for 15 years after beginning his career with The Weather Channel in the early 2000s. View the full article

South Dakota Public Broadcasting livestreams Senate floor debate on Jan. 21, 2025. (Makenzie Huber/South Dakota Searchlight) A committee of South Dakota lawmakers endorsed a proposal Tuesday to provide more video livestreaming of the legislative process and heard how water-damaged technology could affect a special legislative session next month. South Dakota Public Broadcasting — which is part of state government — already provides video livestreaming of state House and Senate floor sessions, as well as meetings of the Legislature’s Appropriations Committee. Other committee rooms are only equipped for audio livestreaming. The Legislature’s Executive Board, which met Tuesday at the Capitol in Pierre, endorsed a $36,442 plan to put video livestreaming equipment in the other five committee rooms. The proposal will go to the full Legislature as part of a supplemental budget bill this winter. House Speaker Jon Hansen, R-Dell Rapids, the chairman of the committee, advocated for the plan. “For the transparency that it brings to this process, to be able to look and see the people presenting, to look at the presentations that are being presented, and also just the awareness of what’s going on in this building during the legislative session, I think it’s great,” Hansen said, “and I think it’ll only enhance that.” Public broadcasting cuts discussedSenate Majority Whip Randy Deibert, R-Spearfish, asked whether South Dakota Public Broadcasting will have the capacity to handle the additional responsibility. The organization is considering budget cuts and layoffs after it lost about $2 million of annual support — roughly 20% of its budget — when Congress and President Donald Trump defunded the Corporation for Public Broadcasting last month. Elijah Rodriguez, chief information technology officer for the Legislative Research Council, said he has assurances from South Dakota Public Broadcasting that it will be able to handle the additional video archiving and management of video livestreams on its SD.net website and YouTube, “regardless of whether they have staff cuts or not.” House Majority Leader Scott Odenbach, R-Spearfish, asked about the possibility of the Legislative Research Council taking over video livestreaming and archiving duties. The council’s director, John McCullough, said it would require the council to purchase equipment and hire additional staff. “It could be absorbed,” McCullough said. “It would just cost money.” Water leaks damage House technologyRodriguez updated the committee on damage caused by water leaks this summer in the House chamber’s technology equipment closets. He said the leaks occurred during large rainstorms in May and June while the roof was undergoing repairs. There was about $185,000 worth of damage, he said, which he hopes insurance will cover. But there’s a four-month lead time on replacement equipment, which is all custom-built. Because of that, a Sept. 23 special session to consider a prison construction plan could be affected. Rodriguez said the electronic board that displays roll-call vote results in the House might not be available, and some representatives’ voting buttons at their desks might not work. “We are building a contingency plan to have a workaround and still be able to operate in the House just in case that equipment isn’t fully functional,” Rodriguez said. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX View the full article

A Roman Catholic priest in Alabama is under investigation, church officials say – and he abruptly announced he is taking “personal leave” – after a woman alleged to his superiors that he traded financial support for “private companionship” including sex, beginning when she was 17. The accuser, Heather Jones, has also alleged that the clergyman, Robert Sullivan, recently paid her hundreds of thousands of dollars to remain silent about it, a claim she supported with bank records, an email and a copy of a legal agreement. Jones, 33, provided the Guardian with a formal written statement that contained her allegations against Sullivan, 61, and which she provided to the diocese of Birmingham. She said she came forward because Sullivan had continued working closely with families and their children as the pastor of Our Lady of Sorrows church in Homewood, Alabama, leaving her fearful that “others may be vulnerable to the same type of manipulation and exploitation” she says she endured. Jones gave permission to be publicly identified by name, saying she hoped it would boost the credibility of her account. Birmingham diocese spokesperson Donald Carson said on Tuesday that the allegations against Sullivan were under investigation by an independent review board advising the local church. As was its protocol, Carson said, the diocese had forwarded the allegations to the Vatican entity which investigates cases of clergy misconduct. And Carson said Sullivan would be prohibited from public ministry until the resolution of the allegations against him. Voicemails the diocese left with Jones – and which she shared with the Guardian – offered her free therapeutic counseling. It was not immediately clear how much scrutiny Sullivan might draw from lay authorities. Carson said the diocese had reported Sullivan to the Alabama state agency that investigates child abuse cases because of the age Jones said she was when she met him. But officials at Alabama’s department of human resources had said the case did not fit the criteria of one in which they could get involved. Law enforcement investigators have been reluctant to act in some cases of religious clergy accused of having sexual contact with teens who had reached the legal age of consent, which in Alabama is 16. Furthermore, Alabama is not among the US states with laws that say it is impossible for there to be consensual sexual relationships between clergy and legal adults who are under the clerics’ spiritual guidance. Sullivan could, however, face consequences within the Catholic church. Canon law to which clergymen are subject has considered people younger than 18 to be minors – and sexual contact with them to be abusive – since the early 2000s, when the worldwide Catholic church implemented reforms amid the fallout of a decades-old clerical molestation scandal. Multiple attempts by the Guardian to contact Sullivan for comment were not successful Tuesday. As she wrote in her statement to the diocese in late July and recounted to the Guardian more recently, Jones grew up in foster care after being removed from her mother’s custody “due to severe neglect”. She wrote that she lacked “consistent adult support” during her upbringing, leaving her ill-equipped to maintain employment or pursue a formal education – so she tried to make ends meet by working as a dancer at an “adult establishment” outside Birmingham. Jones reported meeting Sullivan at that establishment when she was 17. He was a regular patron, tipped her during her shifts and soon offered to “help change [her] life” if she called him on his phone number, she wrote. Sullivan proposed “to form an ongoing relationship that would include financial support in exchange for private companionship”, wrote Jones, who told the Guardian that the term encompassed sex. Jones said Sullivan subsequently began taking her shopping, dining, drinking, and to hotel rooms in at least six different Alabama cities in part to engage in sex – beginning when she was 17 and over the course of several years. Jones wrote that she “was a minor with no experience navigating adult relationships” when she met Sullivan. She wrote: “I was hesitant but ultimately agreed due to his persistence and the state [of mind] I was in.” Jones said Sullivan bought her a phone on which he frequently contacted her. He initially presented himself as a “doctor”, though she later learned he was a priest while his brother was a physician, she said. She wrote in her statement that discovering Sullivan belonged to the Catholic priesthood – whose members promise to be abstinent and teach that sex out of wedlock is sinful – was disturbing because she had attended church services throughout her youth and had difficulty reconciling “his public role and private behavior”. Sullivan paid for Jones to attend a rehabilitation program after she experienced depression, emotional instability and addiction during their arrangement, she wrote. Jones wrote that Sullivan and an attorney representing him eventually had her sign a non-disclosure agreement in return for $273,000. She shared an unsigned copy of the NDA with the Guardian. She also provided a copy of a 27 March message from Sullivan’s Our Lady of Sorrows email address, which had the sentence: “Someone will be calling you to sign the NDA.” Four days after that email, bank records which she shared with the Guardian showed, Jones received a wire transfer of $136,500 from an account under the name of the attorney’s law office. She received another $136,500 wire transfer from the same law office account a day later, the bank records indicated. Separately, in more than 125 different transactions from 18 July 2024 to 26 March, a Venmo account under Sullivan’s name paid nearly $120,000 to Jones, according to a copy of records from the financial app that Jones shared with the Guardian. Jones said it was never clear whether Sullivan took that money out of his personal finances, and remembered wondering whether it possibly came from some other source. Jones said he gave her the Venmo money of his own accord to aid her in covering her living expenses. Jones recalled Sullivan telling her he was also happy to give her that money because he loved her – and so did Jesus Christ. Jones wrote that she later proposed to revise the NDA with Sullivan and requested $100,000 more. She said the agreement “heavily favored his interests and offered no meaningful protection, healing or justice” for dealings with Sullivan she had come to regard as “exploitative and predatory”. Sullivan and his attorney ignored her, Jones wrote. She provided her statement to the Birmingham diocese a few days after writing it on 23 July. Jones said she was willing to share phone records and pictures which she contended would corroborate her version of events with church investigators if they sought the materials. At Our Lady of Sorrows’ 3 August mass, Sullivan told his congregants that Birmingham bishop Steven Raica had authorized him to take “personal leave” that he requested after “prayer and reflection”. “Please continue to remember me in your prayers – as I will do the same for you,” Sullivan said shortly before the conclusion of the mass. On 10 August, Birmingham diocese vicar general Kevin Bazzel told congregants that Raica had appointed him as Our Lady of Sorrows’ temporary administrator in Sullivan’s absence. Sullivan had in June celebrated the 32nd anniversary of his ordination into the priesthood. He had also served six years as president of Birmingham’s John Carroll Catholic high school and in 2023 was appointed director of its educational foundation, as the local Homewood Star newspaper previously reported. He announced his leave nearly four years after Raica had appointed him to serve as one of the diocese’s vicars general, a high-ranking administrative post. In 2020, Sullivan had appeared on the ABC show Good Morning America, in which he discussed recovering from Covid with a helping hand from his brother, an infectious diseases doctor. Jones said she recently began law school and defied the NDA mentioned in her statement about Sullivan to the Birmingham diocese – which has an estimated membership of roughly a quarter of a million Catholics – because she was confident it would not hold up in court. She also wrote that she considered it vital to speak out about Sullivan because “behind closed doors, his behavior toward me was not in alignment with the values he teaches”. Carson, the Birmingham diocese spokesperson, said the allegations against Sullivan were “unfortunate for all involved”. “We keep father … Sullivan and the woman who’s making the allegations here certainly in our prayers,” Carson said. View the full article

阪神大学野球リーグ戦で球審を務める佐藤加奈さん＝神戸市のほっともっとフィールド神戸で2018年4月28日、長宗拓弥撮影 　熱戦が続く全国高校野球選手権大会で、甲子園デビューに向けて女性審判たちがステップアップを目指す機会があった。 　春夏の甲子園大会ではこれまで、男性しか審判委員を担当したことがない。日本高校野球連盟は10日から3日間、大会期間中に初めて全国の女性審判を集めた研修会を阪神甲子園球場で開いた。 　参加したのは、埼玉の森田真紀さんと佐藤加奈さん、栃木の和田佳奈さん、神奈川の岩男香澄さん、佐賀の松本京子さんの5人。 　5人は今年5月、全国から選抜された高校軟式野球選手による「春の軟式交流試合」で審判委員を務めた。日本高野連が主催する大会で女性審判委員が甲子園に立つのは初めてだった。 　日本高野連の井本亘事務局長は今回の研修会について「女性審判の活躍の場を提供したい… View the full article

香港首對大熊貓龍鳳胎BB「加加」（家姐）與「得得」（細佬），將在周五（15日）迎來一歲生日，海洋公園聯同文化體育及旅遊發展局舉辦一系列慶祝活動。當中亦推出「大熊貓龍鳳胎生日特別版天星小輪」，供市民及旅客打卡同樂，將於明日（14日）起至10月12日營運。 為慶祝大熊貓龍鳳胎「加加」(家姐)與「得得」(細佬)生日，海洋公園聯同文化體育及旅遊發展局推出「大熊貓龍鳳胎生日特別版天星小輪」。（梁曉煒攝）為慶祝大熊貓龍鳳胎「加加」(家姐)與「得得」(細佬)生日，海洋公園聯同文化體育及旅遊發展局推出「大熊貓龍鳳胎生日特別版天星小輪」。（梁曉煒攝）文體旅局局長羅淑佩今日下午出席大熊貓龍鳳胎生日特別版天星小輪啓航儀式。（梁曉煒攝）擁有大熊貓生日特別版外觀的渡輪頂上坐著兩隻戴藍色和黃色帽的大熊貓，並將於明日（14日）起至10月12日營運，開出地點與時間和普通天星小輪無異，沒有固定班次。 羅淑佩表示，除了與天星小輪的聯乘，旅發局於尖沙咀旅客中心也有新的熊貓裝飾、熊貓禮品，迎接「加加」、「得得」一歲生日。（梁曉煒攝）文體旅局局長羅淑佩今日（13日）下午出席大熊貓龍鳳胎生日特別版天星小輪啓航儀式時表示，除了與天星小輪的聯乘，旅發局於尖沙咀旅客中心也有新的熊貓裝飾、熊貓禮品，迎接「加加」、「得得」一歲生日。 為將大熊貓生日慶典的歡樂氛圍從海洋公園延伸至全港每個角落。可愛的海洋公園 Panda Friends 角色，包括大熊貓龍鳳胎亦將驚喜現身多個地點。 大熊貓｜盈盈樂樂20歲生日獲贈冰蛋糕　入場者可在生日卡簽名祝福大熊貓龍鳳胎生日｜楊紫瓊獲贈生日特別版LABUBU　社交平台分享大熊貓龍鳳胎8.15生日　旅發局聯日本旅行社推「大熊貓慶生遊港」大熊貓寶寶8.15周歲　特別郵票同日開售記錄「家姐」「細佬」點滴 View the full article

屯門醫院今（13日）公布一宗醫療事故，涉及一名48歲男病人因急性胰臟炎併發急性腎損傷及呼吸衰竭留院，昨早（12日）醫護人員調校呼吸機為病人更換呼吸機喉管，4分鐘後病人血含氧量下降觸發監測系統發出警報，其間出現心臟驟停，醫護人員立即施行急救，約2分鐘後病人恢復心跳。醫護人員急救期間發現，病人的呼吸機未處於正常運行模式，作出修正後回復正常運作。 院方表示病人事後清醒，能正確回應醫護人員的指示，經進行電腦掃描檢查，初步認為事件對病人無明顯影響，惟因自身疾病情況仍於深切治療部留醫。醫院已透過早期事故通報系統向醫管局呈報事件，並會深入調查呼吸機未處於正常運行模式的原因及提出改善建議，以避免同類事件再次發生。 翻查資料，瑪麗醫院上月21日發生類似事故，心胸外科深切治療部有病人需使用呼吸機，醫護人員將呼吸機調校至待機模式為病人抽痰後，無將呼吸機調回正常模式，令病人有數分鐘無法呼吸，心跳一度停頓；該事件由傳媒揭發，而非由醫管局主動公布。據了解，今次屯門醫院涉事為同一款呼吸機，處於「standby mode」（備用模式」，未調校至運行模式。 屯門醫院公布一宗醫療事故。（資料圖片）心臟驟停2分鐘　醫護急救時發現呼吸機未有正常運作屯門醫院表示，一名48歲男病人8月7日因急性胰臟炎併發急性腎損傷及呼吸衰竭入院，於深切治療部留醫，並需接受血液透析治療。病人入院後情況持續危殆，醫護人員3日後為病人插喉接駁呼吸機以協助呼吸。 昨（12日）早上7時許，醫護人員調校呼吸機為病人更換呼吸機喉管，4分鐘後病人血含氧量下降觸發監測系統發出警報。醫護人員隨即為病人檢查，其間病人出現心臟驟停，醫護人員立即施行急救，約2分鐘後病人恢復心跳。醫護人員於急救期間發現病人的呼吸機未處於正常運行模式，隨即作出修正，呼吸機其後回復正常運作。 屯門醫院公布一宗醫療事故。（資料圖片）已向醫管局呈報事件病人事後清醒，能正確回應醫護人員的指示。醫護團隊已詳細評估病人的臨床情況及進行相關檢查，病人的維生指數維持穩定，並已為病人進行電腦掃描檢查，初步認為事件對病人無明顯影響，惟因自身疾病情況仍於深切治療部留醫。醫護團隊會繼續密切監察病人的臨床情況，並提供適切治療。 院方表示十分關注事件，已聯絡病人家屬解釋事件，並會繼續與家屬保持密切溝通，提供一切可行協助。醫院院已透過早期事故通報系統向醫管局總辦事處呈報事件，並會深入調查呼吸機未處於正常運行模式的原因及提出改善建議，以避免同類事件再次發生。 瑪麗醫院醫療事故　抽痰後無重開呼吸機　ICU病人心跳一度停頓醫療事故｜48歲闌尾炎女病人遭誤切輸卵管　明愛醫院向病人致歉醫療事故｜5年74宗公立醫院索償個案庭外和解　醫管局賠逾5300萬中環牙科中心醫療事故　病人麻醉後未能甦醒　留院兩個月情況危殆 View the full article

In the end, President Donald Trump's offer was one that Washington, D.C., Mayor Muriel Bowser could not refuse. In mobilizing the D.C. National Guard, pressing federal agents into urban law enforcement and taking control of the Metropolitan Police Department — all in the name of fighting violent crime in the nation's capital — Trump invited Bowser to cooperate with his administration. The law, federal money and a long-standing threat to repeal self-government in the city lined up behind him, giving Bowser, who one former aide described as having a rare ability to "remove emotion" from political and policy calculations, little choice but to comply. "What I’m focused on is the federal surge and how to make the most of the additional officer support that we have," Bowser told reporters after a Tuesday meeting with Attorney General Pam Bondi. That's not to say Bowser is thrilled with the position she finds herself in, effectively handing over law enforcement in her city to a president with whom she has had a complicated relationship since his first term. During a videoconference with Washington, D.C., community leaders Tuesday evening, Bowser described Trump's maneuvers as an "authoritarian push." But on the whole, her response has been far more measured than those of Democrats — both in the D.C. area and nationally — who, less encumbered by practical consequences of a fight with the president, have repeatedly and forcefully hammered Trump’s move and him. "The Trump administration has consistently broken the law and violated the Constitution to further the personal and political agenda of a wannabe king," House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., said in a statement Monday. "We stand with the residents of the District of Columbia and reject this unjustified power grab as illegitimate." In a Monday news conference announcing his assertion of power through an executive order, Trump called Bowser "a good person who has tried," adding that he acted because "she has been given many chances." As Bowser noted during a Monday news conference, the city and federal agencies have a long history of working together to plan, execute and protect special events in the city, including during both of Trump's terms. The two are also largely aligned on the goal of bringing the Washington Commanders back to the city from the Maryland suburbs, and Bowser attended a White House news conference on the topic in May. But Bowser criticized Trump in the summer of 2020 when he deployed federal law enforcement officers in the nation's capital and activated the D.C. National Guard to combat protests against police violence. Those forces, including the U.S. Park Police, were used to violently break up a peaceful demonstration outside Lafayette Square, just steps from the White House, clearing a path for Trump to walk to a nearby church to address the news media. In a letter to Trump in June 2020, before officers on horseback drove demonstrators away from the park, Bowser accused him of "inflaming" and "adding to the grievances" of protesters, creating a more dangerous dynamic. In order to push federal agents and guardsmen into the streets, Trump declared an emergency in Washington, D.C., even as violent crime rates in the city have been falling. Bowser is at a disadvantage at a time when her administration is fighting to get Congress and Trump to reverse course on a law enacted this year that froze $1 billion in city money. House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said in May that he would move "as quickly as possible" to fix what some Republicans said was a mistake in the drafting of the law. The Senate passed a change earlier this year, but the House, which is out of session for its August recess, has made no move toward sending it to the president for his signature. Beyond that, federal law plainly gives the president the power to assume control of Washington's Metropolitan Police Department for up to 30 days at a time when he declares an emergency, as he did this week, and to activate the D.C. National Guard. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Tuesday that roughly 850 federal law enforcement officers and agents fanned out across the city Monday night and made 23 arrests on charges ranging from homicide and drug crimes to skipping out on a fare and reckless driving. Leavitt did not reply to a request for comment on Trump's relationship with Bowser, nor did city spokesperson Susana Castillo. Justin Bibb, the mayor of Cleveland and president of the Democratic Mayors Association, said in an interview with NBC News that municipal leaders across the country are watching what's happening in Washington — on the heels of Trump activating the California National Guard to assist with immigration enforcement in Los Angeles — with wary eyes. "Absolutely, we're concerned about it," he said. "I want to be very crystal clear about something: We do not want the National Guard in our cities.” Bibb also defended Bowser's handling of Trump's crackdown this week, pointing to the unusual situation Bowser finds herself in compared to leaders of other major cities. “She understands and recognizes that she’s in a unique position where there’s no real statehood in D.C., and her autonomy can be limited, but at the end of the day, she’s going to continue to do the job she’s been doing on reducing violent crime, with or without the support of Donald Trump,” he said. Trump has publicly mused about returning the limited powers of Washington's local government to federal control. Since 1973, the city has operated under a "home rule" charter granted by Congress that allows for residents to elect a mayor and city council. But ultimately, the Constitution gives Congress authority to determine the laws of the nation's capital. Though residents of Washington, D.C., pay federal taxes, the city does not have voting representation in Congress. Declining to directly criticize Trump, Bowser nodded to the city's subservient position during her Monday news conference. "He has prerogatives in D.C. unlike anywhere else in the country," she said of Trump. "There are things that, when a city is not a state and not fully autonomous and doesn't have senators, that the federal government can do." This article was originally published on NBCNews.com View the full article

The Trump administration released its new, drastically scaled-down version of the State Department’s annual human rights report after months of delay Tuesday. The administration’s assessment of human rights abuses in some countries, which is one-tenth as long as last year’s report, reaches notably different conclusions and dedicates no sections to abuses against women or LGBTQ people. The report also places a new focus on restrictions of freedom of expression by U.S. adversaries and allies alike. Amanda Klasing, Amnesty International USA’s national director of government relations and advocacy, said the Trump administration had engaged in highly selective documentation of human rights abuses in certain countries. “We have criticized past reports when warranted, but have never seen reports quite like this,” Klasing said in a statement. “Never before have the reports gone this far in prioritizing an administration’s political agenda over a consistent and truthful accounting of human rights violations around the world — softening criticism in some countries while ignoring violations in others.” State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce defended the administration’s version of the report, which U.S. diplomats have compiled for nearly 50 years under a congressional mandate to measure countries’ adherence to internationally recognized human rights. “The Human Rights Report has been restructured in a way that removes redundancy, increases report readability, and is responsive to the legislative mandates that underpin the report, rather than an expansive list of politically biased demands and assertions,” Bruce said. “Individual reports are more readable, objective, true to their statutory origins, and more useful than ever before.” Criticism of EuropeIn the United Kingdom, France, Germany and other European countries, the Trump administration concluded that the human rights situation “worsened during the year,” citing restrictions on freedom of expression, as well as reports of “crimes, violence, or threats of violence motivated by antisemitism.” In Germany, the report found “limits on the speech of groups it deemed extremist.” In France, the State Department found “some limitations on freedom of speech.” And the assessment listed restrictions on political speech in the U.K. it deemed “hateful” or “offensive.” The concerns were similar to those Vice President JD Vance expressed in a speech to the Munich Security Conference in February. Vance accused European Union leaders of suppressing free speech, particularly that off far-right groups. Asked by reporters about the Trump administration’s review of visa applicants’ social media accounts, Bruce said: “We consider freedom of expression to be a foundational component of a functioning democracy. Societies are strengthened by free expression of opinion and government censorship is intolerable in a free society.” Support for Brazil's former presidentThe human rights situation also declined in Brazil last year, the Trump administration concluded, citing court rulings that it called “broad and disproportionate action to undermine freedom of speech and internet freedom.” “The government undermined democratic debate by restricting access to online content deemed to ‘undermine democracy,’ disproportionately suppressing the speech of supporters of former president Jair Bolsonaro as well as journalists and elected politicians, often in secret proceedings that lacked due process guarantees,” the report says. Bolsonaro is currently on trial for allegedly plotting to assassinate his rivals to remain in office despite his loss in the 2022 election. The report also criticizes Supreme Federal Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who has overseen Bolsonaro’s court case, saying he “personally ordered the suspension of more than 100 user profiles on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter), disproportionately suppressing the speech of advocates of former president Jair Bolsonaro.” Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently sanctioned de Moraes, revoking U.S. visas for him and members of his family. Questioning a South African lawThe report found the human rights situation had “significantly worsened” in South Africa, which Trump has repeatedly criticized since he returned to office. That was in sharp contrast with the State Department human rights report the Biden administration issued last year, which found no significant changes in human rights in South Africa. The first group of Afrikaners from South Africa to arrive for resettlement after they arrived at Washington Dulles International Airport in Dulles, Va., on May 12. (Saul Loeb / AFP - Getty Images file)The report called the Expropriation Act, a law that attempts to address the disparity in land ownership between white and Black South Africans, “a substantially worrying step towards land expropriation of Afrikaners and further abuses against racial minorities in the country.” The Trump administration has publicly decried the law, which allows the South African government to expropriate land — in some cases without compensation — in instances where it is unused or there is a public interest in its redistribution. Earlier this year, the administration resettled 59 white South Africans as refugees in the United States as it blocked refugee admissions from almost all other countries. “The government did not take credible steps to investigate, prosecute, and punish officials who committed human rights abuses,” the report said, “including inflammatory racial rhetoric against Afrikaners and other racial minorities, or violence against racial minorities.” No 'significant' abuses in El SalvadorThe report said that in El Salvador, which imprisoned hundreds of migrants from the United States at the request of the Trump administration, there were “no credible reports of significant human rights abuses.” But several Venezuelan migrants who had been imprisoned in El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison told NBC News they had experienced physical and psychological torture. One man said he was sexually assaulted. The Biden administration’s human rights report on El Salvador last year was four times longer than the Trump administration’s. It listed several significant human rights issues in the country, including credible reports of “unlawful or arbitrary killings; enforced disappearance; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment by security forces and harsh and life-threatening prison conditions.” The Trump administration’s report also removed the section on Indigenous peoples and made no mention of elections or political participation in El Salvador. Shorter passages on Israel, the West Bank and GazaThe Trump administration’s reports on Israel, the West Bank and Gaza were also dramatically shorter and had significantly less documentation of abuses by the Israeli government, the Palestinian Authority and Hamas than the Biden administration reports did last year. Starving Palestinians, including women and children holding pots, wait to receive food distributed by a charity organization in Gaza City on Sunday. (Khames Alrefi / Anadolu via Getty Images)In assessing Israel, the Trump administration cited reports of arbitrary or unlawful killings, enforced disappearance and degrading treatment of Palestinians by Israeli officials but emphasized that they resulted from the Oct. 7, 2023, terrorist attack by Hamas. The State Department’s findings also concluded that the Israeli government “took several credible steps to identify officials who committed human rights abuses, with multiple trials pending at year’s end.” The report listed significant human rights abuses by the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, including “arbitrary or unlawful killings; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious restrictions on freedom of expression and trafficking in persons, including forced labor; and existence of the worst forms of child labor.” The report also included a detailed description of abuses by Hamas in Gaza, including, “unlawful killings, severe physical abuses and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment.” Regarding human rights abuses by Israeli security forces in the West Bank and Gaza, the report said simply that “there have been reports of arbitrary or unlawful killings; and serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom.” But it again added that “Israeli authorities took steps to identify and punish officials or civilians accused of committing human rights abuses.” And it did point out that human rights groups “frequently criticized authorities for not adequately pursuing investigations and disciplinary actions.” The report made no direct mention of the Israeli government’s restrictions on humanitarian aid into Gaza or documented reports of starvation among some Palestinians this year. But it did highlight that in the West Bank, incidents of Israeli violence against Palestinians and their property reached their highest daily average figure since the United Nations started recording data in 2005. War crimes allegations against RussiaThe Trump administration’s assessment of human rights in Russia is less than half as long as the same assessment in the Biden administration’s report. Both reports cited allegations of war crimes, crimes against humanity and abuses by Russian forces and officials in the Russia-Ukraine war. The assessment also pointed to human rights groups’ concerns domestically, among them that Russian officials used new laws to punish dissent and limit independent expression. It did not dedicate a section to Russian government corruption as the Biden administration did. The new report said that “Russia’s occupation and purported annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula and four oblasts in eastern Ukraine affected significantly and negatively the human rights situation there.” It also described “credible reports of politically motivated arrests, detentions, and trials of Ukrainian citizens in Russia, many of whom claimed to have been tortured.” It also called the deportation of thousands of civilians to Russia, including children, a crime against humanity. This article was originally published on NBCNews.com View the full article

Huy Minh View the full article

櫻桃大降價！美中貿易戰改變供應格局　民眾瘋搶囤貨財經中心／陳致帆、張皓宇　新北報導受到美中貿易戰的影響，導致美國櫻桃對中國出口減少，更多櫻桃出口到越南、香港和台灣，加上櫻桃季，櫻桃價格便宜3成左右，不用200塊就能買到櫻桃，不過櫻桃季將在八月底進入尾聲，不少民眾趁機囤貨撿便宜。又大又圓的櫻桃，果肉硬脆飽滿，甜中帶酸，從美國海運來台，拿起來跟一個50元硬幣差不多，去年一斤要價400元，今年只要260元，價格跌了三成，隨著櫻桃季進入尾聲，不少民眾也趁機囤貨撿便宜。民眾：「買大箱的，有的8斤，有的十幾斤，差不多一千多塊」。民眾：「我上一次買兩箱，去年比較貴，今年比較便宜。高關稅導致美國櫻桃對中國出口減少。(圖/民視新聞)櫻桃價格大跳水，美中貿易戰開打，高關稅導致美國櫻桃對中國出口減少，但櫻桃又容易壞，不少供應商繞道，賣到香港、越南和台灣，加上正值產季，批發價創下20年新低。現在零售價一公斤不到300元，一台斤（600公克）價格約在120元到180元不等，市面上一盒櫻桃200元有找，吸引民眾整箱整箱搶購。水果批發商業者：「大家都來搶，每天都忙到不行 就為了櫻桃，大量需求的客人，都會買到5公斤左右，或者是2.5公斤的，那比較小資的家族都會到1公斤啊，或者是1斤啊這樣子」。八月底櫻桃產季進入尾聲。(圖/民視新聞)不過消費者可能不知道，八月底櫻桃產季進入尾聲，想要撿便宜、大快朵頤，時間正倒數中。原文出處：櫻桃大降價！美中貿易戰改變供應格局　民眾瘋搶囤貨 更多民視新聞報導狗狗不能吃什麼？獸醫提醒12大常見禁忌食物，誤食恐引發健康風險！外送平台升級！保冷三輪車進駐美式賣場 生鮮熟食一車搞定台南晶英「鴨寶小廚神」食育體驗營開跑 民視財經網影音 ・ 21 小時前 View the full article

郭智輝嗆「居民沒敦親費還會挺核三？」　莊瑞雄：那是政府的贖罪即時中心／高睿鴻報導經濟部長郭智輝、國民黨立委蘇清泉，昨（12）日在立法院為「核三延役」議題展開激辯。面對蘇宣稱，民調顯示75％恆春鄉鎮的民眾，都支持重啟核三，郭馬上反擊說，「將敦親睦鄰費拿掉，你看他要不要支持？」，結果卻遭在野黨大作文章、質疑他醜化恆春居民。對此，民進黨立委莊瑞雄今（13）天受訪時，為郭緩頰說「部長比較直白啦」；但他認為，更好的說法應該是，「敦親睦鄰費對民眾而言，其實是政府的贖罪」。莊瑞雄表示，之所以對民眾發放敦親睦鄰費，主要是政府必須基於贖罪心態，直接面對「對地方的侵害」。他接著直言說，核三對屏東而言，就是超過40年的核災風險，地方不僅扛下了陰影、還有1萬多桶核廢料，所以「政府當然要有作為」。他續指，其實就像蘭嶼一樣，43年來我們放了10萬多桶核廢料，這就是為什麼，前陣子才特地前往蘭嶼，要求衛福部10月提出興建意願計畫；「這也是政府的贖罪，講白了就是贖罪」，莊瑞雄說。他指出，蘭嶼的情況與恆春類似，也是地方拿了補助，而蘭嶼電費也是全國最低、幾乎不用付電費。莊瑞雄重申說：「原因就出在這，政府應該是用憐憫、贖罪的心態去面對；倒不是因為覺得，這樣為民眾發放回饋金，他們就該接受核廢料、甚至核電廠，繼續荼毒地方」。民進黨立委莊瑞雄。（圖／民視新聞）另一方面，莊瑞雄也再次提醒，千萬別輕忽核災的風險及威力。他認為，核電廠的安全性很難評估，也不是主管機關認為安全，就真的毫無風險；「福島核災還沒發生以前，不是全世界都認為日本核電廠超級安全嗎？」，莊瑞雄說。他進一步指出，只因為那天突然來了1場地震、1次大海嘯，結果那天出門種田、工作的當地民眾，到現在很多人都還沒辦法回家。他繼續說：「為何回不了家？因為變成禁止進入的區域了」。所以莊瑞雄認為，世界潮流並不是非用核電不可，「真正的世界潮流，永遠都是核安第一」。而他也表示，目前國際上的最大難題，就是核廢料該怎麼解決，這才是重中之重。原文出處：快新聞／郭智輝嗆「居民沒敦親費還會挺核三？」　莊瑞雄：那是政府的贖罪 更多民視新聞報導帝國崩塌！債務高達9兆元　中國恒大集團確定下市陳佩琪：把柯文哲判死刑掛北院外！秒被臉書做1事慘了王義川評論粉底液事件　盧秀燕：恢復台灣美麗山河才是最重要的事 民視影音 ・ 7 小時前 View the full article

「とても嬉しい事です」夫との2ショット公開 　〝頬寄せ2ショット〟を披露した結婚10年目の39歳人気女優に注目が集まっている。 　インスタグラムに雑誌「Numero TOKYO」(扶桑社)に掲載された夫婦の2ショットを公開したのは女優の上野樹里。2016年にロックバンド・TRICERATOPSのボーカル和田唱(49)と結婚しており「夫婦結婚10周年目の年に、このような形でお仕事が出来ることはとても嬉しい事です」と感想を綴ると、頬を寄せ合う写真や〝バックハグ〟ショットなどを披露した。 　この投稿にフォロワーからは「素敵な写真！」「カッコいいご夫婦ですね！」「クールな樹里ちゃんも素敵」「お二人が美しすぎて、うっとりしました」といったコメントが感想として書き込まれていた。 View the full article

SNSで発表「応援ありがとうございました！」　お笑いタレントのあばれる君が難関資格の取得を自身のSNSで報告した。フォロワーからは「すごすぎます！」などと驚きの声が上がっていた。 　あばれる君は「世界遺産検定マイスター合格する事ができました!!」として実際の「結果通知書」を添えた。 　本名と共に、受験級「マイスター」、結果「合格」と記されている。 「応援ありがとうございました！　嬉しい！　やった！」と興奮気味に続けていた。 　これにフォロワーからは「すごすぎます！」「おめでとうございます」「あばれるさんカッコいい！」「えぐい！」「努力は裏切りませんでしたね！」などの声が上がっていた。 　世界遺産検定はマイスター、1級、準1級、2級、3級、4級の6グレードあり、マイスターは1級認定者にしか受験資格がない。2023年度の合格率は1級が約30％、マイスターが約45％とされている。ENCOUNT編集部 View the full article

平均の5000倍、年間約1億8000万円を納税　にしたんクリニックなどを展開するエクスコムグローバルの西村誠司社長が13日、TikTokを更新し、金の使い方批判に反論した。個人資産300億円で総工費30億円の豪邸に住む西村氏は、頻繁に「金持ち」ぶりがネット記事になっているが、コメント欄には必ず「自分のぜいたくのために使うのであれば、人のための寄付だとか人のためにお金を使うべきだ」などの批判が出て来ると紹介。その上で猛反論を展開した。 　まず、西村氏はTikTokでも「シングルマザー・シングルファザーたちへの旅行プレゼント企画」でも伝えているとし、他の寄付例も示した。 「実はそれ以外にもいろいろやっています。障害を持った子どもたちや家族のための支援だったり、子どもホスピスへの寄付だったり、難治性疾患の治療の研究だったり、海外の恵まれない人への寄付だったり、数え出したらきりがありません。年間で億単位で寄付は重ねているんですよ」 　そして、「高額納税者のことをみなさんがどう思っているのかもお話したい」と納税問題を切り出した。 「仮に僕が寄付とか一切やっていないと仮定しても、1か月に所得税と地方税合わせて1500万円以上を支払っているんですよ。ちなみに日本人の年収は480万円で、月に40万円と設定すると住民税と所得税は大体3万円ぐらいです。（対して）僕が毎月払っている1500万円を超える税金を考えると、僕は500倍を払っているんですよ。年間にして1億8000万円です。その段階で世の中の多くの人にために多くのお金を使っていることになるんですよ」 　さらには、「金持ち批判」で書き込みを続ける人たちに向けて「高額納税をしている人に対して、もっとリスペクトした方がいいかな思うんですよ」とコメント。30億円豪邸への批判についても「自分のお金で建てているわけで、何でそんな言われされなきゃいけないのかという思いもあります」となどと実感を込めた。そして、「そういう点にも目を向けてもらえますと、心が救われると思います」などと呼びかけた。ENCOUNT編集部 View the full article

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VALERY HACHE / AFP Eric Ciotti, lors d’un meeting à Levens le 31 août 2024.POLITIQUE - Des mailing-lists, oui, et avec un niveau de détails beaucoup trop pointu. Des perquisitions ont été menées mardi 12 août à Nice dans le cadre d’une enquête ouverte sur des soupçons de fichage de personnes par les équipes d’Éric Ciotti, établi sans leur consentement, a indiqué le parquet, confirmant des informations de Libération et Nice-Matin. Une enquête préliminaire a été ouverte par le parquet de Nice en mai dernier du chef d’« enregistrement ou conservation de données à caractère personnel sensibles sans le consentement des intéressés », a précisé à l’AFP le procureur de la République de Nice, Damien Martinelli. Selon Libération, cette enquête fait suite au signalement au printemps d’un « lanceur d’alerte anonyme » informant de l’existence de fichiers mis en place par les équipes du député local et président de l’UDR Éric Ciotti. La réforme du scrutin aux municipales à Paris, Lyon et Marseille adoptée, ce que ça change PUBLICITÉSelon Libération, ces fichiers Excel concerneraient plusieurs centaines de Niçois présentés comme « influents », qu’ils soient responsables associatifs ou commerçants par exemple, certains des noms étant suivis de la confession des intéressés (« confession juive », « confession chrétienne »), leurs origines (« communauté arménienne », « corse »), de mentions de handicap (« sourd », « non voyant ») ou encore de la mention « propriétaire foncier ». Des fichiers pour préparer les municipales 2026 ?Confirmant des informations de Nice-Matin, le magistrat indique que la police judiciaire « a procédé ce (mardi) matin à différentes perquisitions en vue notamment de saisies de données informatiques ». Il n’a toutefois pas confirmé que ces perquisitions visaient, comme l’indique Nice-Matin, le siège du Conseil départemental, dont Éric Ciotti fut le président de 2008 à 2017 et dont il préside encore la commission des finances. Toujours selon Libération, la Commission nationale de l’informatique et des libertés a confirmé une plainte à propos de ces procédés de fichage sans consentement. Cette enquête intervient alors qu’Éric Ciotti pourrait annoncer fin août lors de sa rentrée politique sa candidature à la mairie de Nice face au maire sortant Christian Estrosi (Horizons), qui a déjà annoncé se représenter. Selon Libération, des mentions « Estrosi ? » apparaissent d’ailleurs dans les fichiers problématiques, comme pour interroger un lien avec le maire en place. Ni Éric Ciotti ni son entourage n’ont donné suite aux sollicitations de l’AFP à propos de la constitution de ces fichiers. Le traitement de données personnelles obtenues sans le consentement est puni de 5 ans d’emprisonnement et d’une amende qui peut varier entre 300 000 et 1,5 millions d’euros. PUBLICITÉBarnier, Philippe, Ciotti… Un télescopage en librairie qui dit beaucoup de l’évolution des Républicains Éric Ciotti voulait sauver Marine Le Pen avec sa proposition de loi, il a été forcé de la retirer View the full article

La suppression de deux jours fériés, proposée par François Bayrou pour réduire le déficit public, est "un très mauvais signe du gouvernement", a estimé mercredi la députée macroniste Violette Spillebout, jugeant même la mesure "contraire à (ses) valeurs". "Je ne défends pas une mesure de suppression de jours fériés, je suis contre cette suppression de jours fériés. C'est extrêmement clair parce que c'est contraire à mes valeurs", a déclaré l'élue du Nord sur Europe 1. "Un très mauvais signe"Le Premier ministre a pourtant invité syndicats et patronat à engager dès la rentrée une négociation visant à retirer le "caractère férié de deux jours" - qui pourraient être le lundi de Pâques et le 8-Mai - afin d'abonder le budget de l'Etat de plus de 4 milliards d'euros dès l'an prochain. PUBLICITÉ"On a besoin de faire rentrer de l'argent dans les caisses, mais ça veut dire qu'il faut remettre plus de personnes à l'emploi", a objecté Violette Spillebout, pour qui "ce n'est pas sur les travailleurs qu'il faut faire peser l'effort national". "Ces jours fériés, c'est un très mauvais signe du gouvernement, parce que c'est comme une marque de défiance envers ceux qui paient le plus aujourd'hui. C'est vrai que ça me révolte", a-t-elle ajouté. Une nouvelle réforme de l'assurance chômagePour faire des économies, la députée du groupe Ensemble pour la République a défendu, à l'instar de son leader Gabriel Attal, une nouvelle réforme de l'assurance chômage "qui rende encore plus contraignante l'accès aux indemnités et accompagne encore plus fortement (...) vers le retour à l'emploi". Sur ce sujet, l'ex-socialiste désormais proche de Gérald Darmanin est sur la même ligne que M. Bayrou, qui a demandé aux partenaires sociaux une autre négociation avec un objectif de 2 à 2,5 milliards d'euros d'économies dès 2026. PUBLICITÉViolette Spillebout a en outre plaidé pour "un effort supplémentaire" et "temporaire" de "ceux qui ne travaillent pas", en l'occurrence des retraités dont "certains qui sont très aisés sont prêts à faire l'effort (et) le disent eux-mêmes". Article original publié sur BFMTV.com View the full article

颱風楊柳今日（13日）吹襲高雄、台北及廈門，國泰航空下午表示，部份航班已被取消或延誤，已通知所有受影響乘客，並安排其他航班。 國泰表示，若干已啟程前往台北的航班，因當地天氣惡劣而未能如期降落桃園機場，並按標準運作程序折返香港國際機場，公司正盡力為受影響的乘客提供適切協助及安排替代航班。國泰稱正密切留意颱風路徑，一旦航班有任何變動，將通知受影響的乘客。 國泰表示，顧客和機組人員的安全是國泰航空的首要考慮，謹就事件對顧客帶來的不便深表歉意，並衷心感謝顧客的理解及體諒。 颱風楊柳｜HK Express兩班往台北航班中途折返香港　安排今晚重飛颱風楊柳｜大灣區航空兩班來往福建泉州航班取消　台北航班延誤強颱風楊柳│中心陣風達16級！移動速度快！中國氣象局：有3大特點颱風楊柳｜台灣2人海邊挖蜆　一人遭海浪捲走一人死裡逃生求救颱風楊柳加強為強颱風級　14日登陸閩粵交界　深圳發佈白色預警 View the full article

《印度快報》星期三（8月13日）引述消息人士報道，印度總理莫迪（Narendra Modi）下個月到美國出席聯合國大會期間，可能與美國總統特朗普（Donald Trump，又譯川普）會面。 聯合國大會9月9日在紐約聯合國總部開幕，國家元首和政府首腦的年度會議將在9月23日至29日舉行。 2014年8月15日，美國紐約曼哈頓，聯合國總部大樓。（Reuters）路透社說，無法立即核實《印度快報》的消息。 美國財政部長貝森特（Scott Bessent）星期二（12日）接受霍士新聞商業頻道（Fox Business）訪問時說，還有幾個大型貿易協議等待完成，其中包括美國與瑞士和印度的協議，但他指印度談判方「有些頑固」。 貝森特也說，希望能在10月底前完成所有貿易談判。 莫迪一直自詡和特朗普是朋友，還公開給特朗普站過台。(Reuters)特朗普8月6日簽署行政令，以印度「以直接或間接方式進口俄羅斯石油」為由，對印度輸美產品額外徵收25%的關稅，這意味着美國對印度總體關稅稅率將達到50%。 印度外交部同日發布聲明，重申美國對印度加徵關稅等行為「不公平、不正當、不合理」，印方將採取所有必要措施保護其國家利益。聲明說，印度進口俄羅斯石油基於市場因素，整體目標是為了確保印度能源安全。 本文獲《聯合早報》授權轉載。 彭博社：中國與印度最快9月恢復直航航班印度指責巴軍方在美發出核威脅為武力恫嚇　巴方斥歪曲事實普京10年來首次訪美：哄特朗普開心，給習近平莫迪一個交代普京莫迪通話　討論美國特使訪俄情況　克宮：也談貿易合作 View the full article